The bear is back: Russian reunification with Africa is picking up with Putin in the driving seat – SAIIA

If you google “Russia-Africa relations”, some of the first results include news articles about Russia and its “return” to the African continent. What does Russia want from Africa, many ask, and what is behind Moscow’s recent push into the continent?

You can also refer to the 2019 Russia-Africa Summit, the first of its kind held in Sochi and attended by 43 African Heads of State. Several MoUs were signed at the summit, including between the Russian government and the African Union.

“We are not going to participate in a new ‘redistribution’ of the continent’s wealth; rather, we are ready to join the competition for cooperation with Africa. We have much to offer to our African friends, President Vladimir Putin said at the summit. It also sparked debate about Russia’s growing influence on the continent.

Did Russia really leave Africa? It depends on whom you ask.

In March 2021, based on previous work, the SA Institute of International Affairs (SAIIA) began a two-year research program Trying to understand Russia’s strategic involvement and policy implications in Africa. A series of online scoping workshops showed that there are wide and varying opinions on the subject.

Sanctions trigger renewed engagement

It is well known that the Soviet Union assisted many African countries during their anti-colonial struggles. Most scholars agree that in the early 1990s, at the height of the USSR’s transition to a multi- (or one-) party system, and plagued by domestic challenges, Russia’s presence in Africa was at an all-time low. level reached. In 1991, then-President Boris Yeltsin announced that Russia’s foreign aid policy would end. By 1992, nine embassies and four consular offices were closed, while many cultural centers disappeared.

Since then, Putin has placed a high premium on rebuilding Russia’s stature as a global power, and these efforts extend to Africa as well. He first visited the continent in 2006, promising $1 billion in investment and making a clear declaration of Russian interest. By the following year, Russia had written off about $20 billion in debt incurred by African countries during the Cold War.

But some argue that it wasn’t until 2013 that physical engagement emerged. Putin visited South Africa again, often seen as the gateway to Africa, for the Brazil, Russia, India, China, South Africa (BRICS) summit. Russia signed a Comprehensive Strategic Partnership with South Africa with provision for cooperation in the political, economic and defense fields.

Diplomatic relations between Russia and Africa have also grown, with several heads of state visiting Moscow since 2015. Through the United Nations, Russia actively participated in aid programs, providing food and medical aid to African countries. It has also cast African votes in the United Nations Security Council and the United Nations General Assembly. It is widely speculated that the renewed engagement is linked to economic sanctions imposed by the West on Russia in 2014, due to the Ukraine conflict and the “annexation” of Crimea. Here, two distinct interests stand out.

military and natural resource interests

Russia is a major supplier of arms to Africa. According to the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, Africa accounted for 18% of all Russian arms exports between 2016 and 2020, with Algeria being the largest recipient. Defense relations between Russia and Africa are also growing.

Since 2014, Rosoboronexport – a Russian state-owned agency that exports military products and services – has signed bilateral agreements with several African countries, including Angola, Equatorial Guinea, Mali, Nigeria and Sudan. In addition to military equipment, the agreements include provisions for counter-terrorism and joint training of troops.

Russia also has clear economic objectives when it comes to natural resources. Although it claims some mineral wealth of its own, Russia’s natural resources are difficult to extract, making them easy to import. Significant developments are taking place in Zimbabwe (platinum group metals), Angola (diamonds), and Namibia (uranium).

Several Russian state-owned energy companies such as Gazprom, Rustec and Rosatom are also active in Africa, with major investments in the oil, gas and nuclear sectors in Algeria, Egypt, Uganda and Angola. It is worth noting that state-led investments are often associated with military or diplomatic initiatives. For example, while an agreement has been reached to build two nuclear power plants in Nigeria, Russia has committed to combat terrorism there at the same time.

incremental growth

Events after 2014 have raised concerns from other countries about the “bear” return (in a 2018 speech, the then US National Security Adviser, John Bolton, described Russia’s expansionist efforts and its “impact across Africa”. was mentioned).

And while much attention is paid to Russian movements on the continent, it is difficult to compare Russian engagement with traditional partners in Africa such as the US, Britain and France, or with emerging powers such as China, whose participation dwarfs that of Russia. The interest of Turkey, Israel, the United Arab Emirates and others also means that African countries can now pick and choose who they want to partner with. These decisions are informed by a complex web of priorities.

In contrast, while Putin has named Africa a foreign policy priority, he is not number one on the list. “In terms of overall economic relations, Russia still trades much more with Europe and Asia than with Africa,” Alexandra Arkhangelskaya, a researcher at the Institute for African Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences, told SAIIA. This was because of its geographical location, she said.

Plans for the 2022 Russia-Africa summit are well underway, again causing a stir about the growing Russian presence on the continent. Rumored to take place in Cairo, Dakar or Addis Ababa, the summit will bring together hundreds of representatives of business and government.

Is this part of Russia’s New Africa Strategy or a continuation of its earlier partnership? Either way, we should expect an incremental increase in engagement levels.